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	<title>Jewish Quarterly &#187; Limmud</title>
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	<description>A magazine of contemporary writing, politics &#38; culture</description>
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		<title>Amos, Ezekiel, Jeremiah and Bob</title>
		<link>http://jewishquarterly.org/2010/11/amos-ezekiel-jeremiah-and-bob/</link>
		<comments>http://jewishquarterly.org/2010/11/amos-ezekiel-jeremiah-and-bob/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 25 Nov 2010 17:32:11 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Seth Rogovoy</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Judaism]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Limmud]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Music]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Bob Dylan]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://jewishquarterly.org/?p=946</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[One of the first original compositions that the young Bob Dylan debuted in folk clubs in New York upon arriving from Minnesota in 1961 was ‘Talkin’ Hava Negilah Blues.’ Introduced by Dylan as ‘a foreign song I learned in Utah,’ the song consists almost entirely of the singer trying to get the words ‘hava nagila’ [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>One of the first original compositions that the young Bob Dylan debuted in folk clubs in New York upon arriving from Minnesota in 1961 was ‘Talkin’ Hava Negilah Blues.’ Introduced by Dylan as ‘a foreign song I learned in Utah,’ the song consists almost entirely of the singer trying to get the words ‘hava nagila’ out of his mouth. ‘Ha… Va…ha…Va… neh … gee…lah,’ he sings, as if the words were strange and foreign, before putting it all together in a slow and carefully enunciated ‘Ha-va Na-gee-lah,’ immediately followed by an anomalous yodel.</p>
<p>What this self-mockery belied was a profound connection to Jewish tradition, one that characterised and influenced Dylan’s entire oeuvre. His work stems from the ancient tradition of Jewish prophecy. The prophet, or <em>navi, </em>was a truth-teller to and an admonisher of his people: literally, a ‘proclaimer.’ The Prophets, whose sermons and declarations are collected in the biblical books of Amos, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and others, were, in a sense, social critics—the original protest singers, if you will. They warned against backsliding, immorality and lawbreaking and foretold the bloody consequences of this behaviour. The torah of Dylan and the Torah of Moses share many overlaps: in the book of Prophets, Ezekiel recounts a vision of angels: ‘The soles of their feet… their appearance was like fiery coals, burning like torches’ [Ezekiel 1:7, 13]. In ‘The Wicked Messenger,’ a song about a scorned prophet from his 1967 album, <em>John Wesley Harding</em>, Dylan sings, ‘The soles of my feet, I swear they’re burning.’ In Exodus 33:20, G-d warns Moses, ‘No human can see my face and live’ a warning repeated in the chorus of ‘I and I,’ on the 1983 album, <em>Infidels</em>:</p>
<p><em>I and I</em></p>
<p><em>One says to the other</em></p>
<p><em>No man sees my face and lives.</em></p>
<p><span id="more-946"></span></p>
<p>Dylan’s echoing of this encounter between G-d and Moses also references the ‘I-Thou’ theology of Martin Buber, to whose work Dylan was reportedly introduced years earlier by his manager, Albert Grossman. The song paints a bleak portrait of absolute alienation: the narrator is alone even when he’s with a sleeping lover (‘if she wakes up now, she’ll just want me to talk/ I got nothin’ to say, ’specially about whatever was’); he goes out for a walk and concludes ‘Not much happenin’ here/ Nothin’ ever does’ and sees a train platform ‘with nobody in sight’; and he contemplates the end of the world (‘The world could come to an end tonight, but that’s all right’). Yet through all the emptiness he perseveres—‘I’m still pushin’ myself along the road, the darkest part’—towards the world, holding on to Buber’s teaching, ‘One who truly meets the world goes out also to God.’</p>
<p>Consciously or not, Bob Dylan’s use of the modes of Jewish prophetic discourse as one of his primary means of communication, determine not just the content of his songs but also his style of delivery, which is closer to declaiming rather than melodic singing. The vocals on his live albums from the 1970s (Before the Flood, Hard Rain, and <em>Live 1975: The Rolling Thunder Revue) are positively </em>stentorian, underscoring his relationship to his audience, whom he never wooed but chided and provoked: <em>You who philosophise, disgrace, and criticise all fears Take the rag away from your face/ Now ain’t the time for your tears.  (‘</em>The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll<em>’)</em></p>
<p>‘You’ve got a lot of nerve to say you are my friend,’ he sings in ‘Positively 4<sup>th</sup> Street,’ addressed to the folk music traditionalists who first called him one of their own. Going electric at the Newport Folk Festival, playing commercial country music on Nashville Skyline and releasing a double album of cover songs mischievously titled <em>Self Portrait </em>are just a few examples of Dylan’s propensity to subvert his relationship with his fans in order to jar them from their complacency, like a Biblical prophet. Throughout his career, whether singing about racial injustice in ‘Blowin’ in the Wind’ and ‘Hurricane,’ Cold War anxieties in ‘A Hard Rain’s a-Gonna Fall’ and ‘Masters of War,’ the treatment of Vietnam War veterans in ‘Clean-Cut Kid,’ or corrupt politicians in ‘Political World’ and ‘The Disease of Conceit,’ Dylan has repeatedly returned to that same prophetic tradition to infuse his songs with a measure of impact and dignity that so obviously sets his work apart from other singer song writers of the rock era. Bono, the singer of the Irish rock band U2 and himself a strong believer in a type of Christianity with ancestral Jewish roots, understands this about Dylan. ‘[Dylan’s] was always a unique critique of modernity,’ he writes. ‘Because in fact Dylan comes from an ancient place, almost medieval… The anachronism, really, is the ’60s. For the rest of his life he’s been howling from some sort of past that we seem to have forgotten but must not . . .’</p>
<p>One of the most rewarding ways of approaching Bob Dylan’s lyrics is to read them as the work of a poetic mind immersed in Jewish texts and engaged in the age-old process of midrash: a kind of formal or informal riffing on texts in order to elucidate or elaborate upon their hidden meanings. Perhaps the most famous of these riffs takes place in one of Dylan’s best-known songs, 1965’s ‘Highway 61 Revisited,’ his whimsical retelling of the <em>Akeidah, </em>the story of the binding of Isaac, which Dylan posits as a conversation between two jaded, cynical hipsters.</p>
<p><em>G-d said to Abraham, ‘Kill me a son.’</em></p>
<p><em>Abe said, ‘Man, you must be puttin’ me on.’</em></p>
<p><em>G-d said ‘No.’</em></p>
<p><em>Abe said, ‘What?’</em></p>
<p><em>G-d said ‘You can do what you want, Abe But the next time you see me co min’ you better run Abe said, ‘Where you want this killin’ done?’ God said, ‘Out on Highway 61.’</em></p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>U.S. Route 61, incidentally, is the main highway leading from New Orleans to Dylan’s birthplace of Duluth, Minnesota, where he was born to a man named Abram.</p>
<p>In 1982, Dylan’s son Samuel became <em>bar mitzvah </em>in Jerusalem. Shortly thereafter, Dylan’s earnest prophetic style gave way to a hardline Zionism that suffused the 1983 album <em>Infidels</em>, with a sleeve featuring Dylan overlooking the Old City.  The song ‘Neighbourhood Bully’ defends Israeli aggression with little regard for the plight of the Palestinians :</p>
<p><em>Well, the neighbourhood bully, he’s just one man</em></p>
<p><em>His enemies say he’s on their land</em></p>
<p><em>They got him outnumbered about a million to one</em></p>
<p><em>He got no place to escape to, no place to run</em></p>
<p><em>He’s the neighbourhood bully</em></p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>Coming as it did in the wake of the massacres at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in Lebanon, this strongly nationalistic identification with Jewish peoplehood and land did not endear Dylan to those still on the Left. Neither did the song ‘Union Sundown’ on the same album, whose chorus appeared to be a critique of organised labour :</p>
<p><em>Well, it’s sundown on the union</em></p>
<p><em>And what’s made in the U.S.A.</em></p>
<p><em>Sure was a good idea</em></p>
<p><em>’Til greed got in the way.</em></p>
<p><em> </em></p>
<p>A scathing review in New York City’s <em>Village Voice</em>, dubbed Dylan ‘the William F. Buckley of rock and roll,’ in reference to the founding editor of the conservative journal, the <em>National Review. </em>For many, it seemed, the one-time ‘voice of a generation’ had turned into a right-wing crank, a Bible-thumping, washed-up relic of the sixties. Dylan’s album sales plummeted to an all time low and where they remained for much of the 1980s, when he seemed, at best,irrelevant or, at worst, pathetic.  In the final year of the decade, however, Dylan returned with one of the strongest albums of his career. <em>Oh Mercy </em>reflects a mind steeped in a Jewish worldview and one whose creative vision prompted what became his Never Ending Tour. This tour has been going on for over two decades and, at nearly 70, Dylan continues to play around one hundred concerts each year. ‘Everything Is Broken’ portrays the Kabbalistic concept of a world in a state of disrepair, and ‘Political World’ includes a vivid description of <em>Kiddush HaShem</em>, the religiously inspired martyrdom of those who were dying in Auschwitz around the time Dylan was born.  When Dylan received a Lifetime Achievement Award at the Grammy Awards in 1991, the focus of his acceptance speech was a passage that astute listeners recognised as a paraphrase of Psalm 27, the prayer based upon notions of repentance that lie at the heart of the Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur liturgy. Dylan, it seemed, was transmitting a coded message to those who may have thought he had forsaken them. Why else accept a Grammy Award by paraphrasing a Jewish prayer written by Rabbi Shimshon Rafael Hirsch, the spiritual leader of traditional German Jewry in the mid-nineteenth century?</p>
<p>Dylan has continued to find inspiration in Jewish scripture in recent years. His 1997 Grammy Award–winning album, <em>Time Out of Mind</em>, is a catalogue of regret and reflections on mortality (released shortly after his recovery from a near fatal heart infection); ‘I was born here and I’ll die here against my will,’ he sings in ‘Not Dark Yet’, paraphrasing <em>Pirkei Avot </em>(Sayings of the Fathers, from the Mishnah 4:29): ‘Against your will you were born, against your will you die.’ The same album’s opening track, ‘Love Sick,’ borrows its unusual central complaint from King Solomon’s love poetry as expressed in Song of Songs 2:7:</p>
<p>‘[Bereft of your presence], I am sick with love’ or, to put it more succinctly, as does Dylan, ‘I’m sick of love… I’m love sick’, the cry of an aging lonely man who engages with other people only when he takes the stage for one of his concerts on the Never Ending Tour.</p>
<p>In recent years, Dylan has been spotted at Yom Kippur services, typically at whatever Chabad synagogue he finds himself near as he tours the world. The central imagery of the concluding Neilah service, that of a penitent standing at a gate, praying to be written into the Book of Life before the doors are shut, finds its way into <em>Time Out of Mind’</em>s ‘Tryin’ to Get to Heaven’:</p>
<p><em>Now you can seal up the book and not write anymore I’ve been walking that lonesome valley Trying to get to heaven before they close the door.</em></p>
<p>Knocking on heaven’s door may not be unique to Bob Dylan, but the Neilah reference undoubtedly is, and it frames his own late work within a Jewish context of sober reflection and repentance.</p>
<p><em>Seth Rogovoy is the author of Bob Dylan: Prophet Mystic Poet (Scribner), from which this essay has been adapted.</em></p>
<p><em>Please visit him on the web at <a href="http://www.dylanprophet.com/">www.dylanprophet.com</a></em><em> </em></p>
]]></content:encoded>
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		<series:name><![CDATA[#216 Autumn '10]]></series:name>
	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Virtual Judaism</title>
		<link>http://jewishquarterly.org/2009/12/virtual-judaism/</link>
		<comments>http://jewishquarterly.org/2009/12/virtual-judaism/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Dec 2009 14:09:01 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Ruth Ellen Gruber</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Limmud]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Eastern Europe]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Kazimierz]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Krakow]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Poland]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://jewishquarterly.org/?p=729</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Representation is a moving target. Jewish culture is undergoing such changes that to pin it down to one representation is an illusion.
Prof. Jonathan Webber, 1999
I’m a Jewish vegetarian atheist.
Jonathan Ornstein, director, Jewish Community Center, Krakow, Poland, 2009
In the mid-1990s I began exploring a phenomenon that I described as ‘filling the Jewish space’ in Europe. Along [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Representation is a moving target. Jewish culture is undergoing such changes that to pin it down to one representation is an illusion.<br />
Prof. Jonathan Webber, 1999</p>
<p>I’m a Jewish vegetarian atheist.<br />
Jonathan Ornstein, director, Jewish Community Center, Krakow, Poland, 2009</p>
<p>In the mid-1990s I began exploring a phenomenon that I described as ‘filling the Jewish space’ in Europe. Along with the efforts to revive Jewish communal life and reclaim and reassert Jewish identity in post-Holocaust, post-communist countries, I observed what I called a ‘Virtual Jewishness,’ or a ‘Virtual Jewish World,’ peopled by ‘Virtual Jews’ who create, perform, enact or engage with Jewish culture from an outsider perspective, often in the absence of local Jewish populations.<br />
I wrote about non-Jewish klezmer bands, and Jewish museums and Jewish culture festivals organized by non-Jews for a primarily non-Jewish public. And I also described university Jewish studies programmes whose students were mostly Gentile, as well as the commercial exploitation of Jewish heritage, including the promotion of Jewish-themed tourism to synagogues, Jewish cemeteries and other sites of Jewish heritage where few if any Jews live today. <span id="more-729"></span><br />
Although I discussed the ‘virtually Jewish’ phenomenon in a general European context, some of the most visible (and to some observers most troubling) manifestations were — and still are — observed in Poland, the historic heartland of Jewish life in Europe, where, as the scholar Jonathan Webber once noted, ‘the remarkable characteristic of anything to do with Jews&#8230;is its intensity.’<br />
A project undertaken by the London-based Institute for Jewish Policy Research (JPR) provided a vivid statistical illustration of this. Between May 2000 and April 2001, it attempted to ‘map’ Jewish cultural activities in four European countries with small Jewish communities. The countries chosen — Poland, Sweden, Italy and Belgium — have a total Jewish population of well under 100,000 and had very different Jewish histories both before World War II and during and after the Shoah.<br />
‘The results are simply astonishing, and as yet we have no idea what to make of them,’ Webber, who was an academic consultant on the project, reported in July 2001 at a conference in Budapest on Jewish identities in the post-communist era. ‘There is clearly no correlation between the considerable size of this cultural production and the percentage of Jews in a given total population of a particular country.’ It is almost, he added, as if ‘once one starts to have public Jewish culture, it simply continues to generate further events.’<br />
Indeed, out of the four countries surveyed, Poland, with its tiny Jewish population (depending on how one defines ‘Jew,’ estimates vary from 3,000 to 20,000 or more in a total population of about 40 million), was by far the Jewish cultural champion, with 196 individual events and fully seven Jewish cultural festivals, including the annual Festival of Jewish culture in Krakow — the ‘largest and most important event’ recorded in the JPR survey.<br />
The Festival — founded in 1988 by two young, non-Jewish intellectuals for a primarily non-Jewish public — takes place in Kazimierz, the historic Jewish quarter of Krakow, and nowhere, perhaps, has become more symbolic of the ‘virtually Jewish’ trends and the questions they raise than here.Centered on the most extensive surviving complex of Jewish built heritage in east-central Europe — synagogues, cemeteries, homes, marketplaces and other buildings and monuments, Kazimierz since the early 1990s has grown, and, indeed, been molded, into one of the major centers of Jewish tourism in Europe.<br />
The post-communist development has seen the restoration of several synagogues and has brought new life and new business to what had long languished as the archetypical ‘Jewish ghost town.’ Even 15 years ago, much of Jewish Kazimierz was a derelict slum. At the same time this development has made the district one of the most prominent symbols of what has been called the marketing or ‘commodification’ of Jewish culture. The new Jewish-style cafes, boutiques, souvenir kitsch and constantly roving tour groups create an environment that has caused (and still causes) a deep sense of unease among some visitors, particularly as Krakow is only an hour’s drive from Auschwitz and often serves as a focal point for visits to the notorious death camp.<br />
Writing about Kazimierz in 2006, for example, in a review of Jan T. Gross’s 2006 book Fear: Anti-Semitism in Poland after Auschwitz, the American journalist Ruth Franklin scorned what she termed the ‘much ballyhooed renaissance of Jewish culture in Poland, complete with sold-out klezmer festivals and a popular brand of spirits called “Kosher Vodka.” She wrote: ‘Half a dozen Jewish-themed hotels welcome visitors to Kazimierz, with names like “Alef” and “Ester” and “Klezmer Hois”; the “Eden” sports mezuzahs on every door and advertises ‘the only mikveh bath in Poland,’ as if it were a Jacuzzi.’ She goes on, ‘This grim carnival of Holocaust tourism and Western capital is neither a sign nor a symptom of a greater change in Polish society. It is evidence only of the Polish national schizophrenia on the subject of Jews. It is lovely to restore old buildings and to cherish a culture that has perished. But the celebration of the Jews of Poland cannot substitute for a genuine confrontation with the manner of their disappearance: when, where and by whom. There is no indication that the consumers of ‘Kosher Vodka’ are interested in engaging in such a reckoning any time soon.’<br />
While it is hard to disagree with Franklin’s assertions, there is a bigger picture which she ignores. Poland does, indeed, have a certain schizophrenia towards its Jewish past but this schizophrenia has been demonstrated in loud and even lacerating public nationwide debates which is infinitely better, and ultimately more healthy, thatn the absolute denial and silence that existed until the 1980s.<br />
‘When I began working in Poland in 1990, it was almost completely taboo to tell your friends that you are Jewish,’ Poland’s American-born chief rabbi Michael Schudrich told me recently. ‘Today, it is just a normal thing to say to almost anybody here in Poland. What was taboo only 20 years ago, is today a curiosity or interesting or [indicates] respect — and for some [it is] of no consequence at all.’<br />
Likewise, in July 2006, Michael Steinlauf, an American academic expert on Yiddish culture and Polish-Jewish relations and the author of the book Bondage to the Dead: Poland and the Memory of the Holocaust (1997), told me that to him, during the Jewish Culture Festival in Krakow, the Kazimierz district’s main square, Szeroka street, formed a symbolic ‘headquarters of the Diaspora’ thanks to the numerous cultural events and the many international Jewish artists, performers and fans who attended. I was speaking to him after he had enjoyed Friday night dinner with friends and family at one of the Szeroka street restaurants — a newly opened ‘mainstream’ restaurant, not one of the Jewish-style cafes. ‘We had a table for 11 and lit the candles,’ he told me. ‘The couple from the next table came over saying “Shalom Aleichem”. I’ve never done this anywhere else. It’s never been as easy to be a Jew than on Szeroka street the night before [the Festival’s outdoor final concert there].’<br />
Krakow is home to several institutions promoting education on Jewish subjects. These include the Jewish studies centre at Jagiellonian University, founded in 1986, as well as the Jewish Culture Centre, established in 1993, as well as the Galicia Jewish Museum, founded by the late British photographer Chris Schwarz in 2004. The Jewish Culture Festival recently opened its own permanent culture and education centre called Cheder.<br />
These institutions, which offer varied programs of lectures, classes, concerts and workshops, are generally run by non-Jews to serve the general public, including tourists. But all benefit from the input of Jewish scholars and Jewish religious and cultural figures.<br />
The number of Jews in Krakow remains tiny — somewhere between 200 and 400 depending on whom you talk to. But the Jewish community has raised its own profile in recent years, in part thanks to the formation of a Jewish youth group, Czulent, in 2004 and also to the opening in 2008 of a modern Jewish Community Centre. (Mainly funded by World Jewish Relief and the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, the JCC project had a somewhat high profile from the outset. It came about, remarkably, at the urging of Prince Charles, who had visited Krakow in 2002 and was moved by the plight of the poor and aging Jews of the city. Charles himself returned  to Krakow last year for its inauguration; wearing a kippah he helped affix a mezuzah to the door.)<br />
The JCC director, Jonathan Ornstein, is a 39-year-old New Yorker who made aliyah and then moved to Krakow about seven years ago to teach Hebrew at the Jagiellonian University. Ornstein  contradicts the stereotype of the traditional Jew as portrayed in the old paintings and photographs that fill books, decorate the local Jewish-style cafes or are caricatured in the wooden figurines for sale in souvenir shops and craft markets. Knowledgeable but iconoclastic, and an avowed ‘Jewish vegetarian atheist,’ he took part in an ‘atheist pride’ march in Krakow this year, carrying a sign reading ‘Thank God I’m an atheist.’ Not only that, he created a Facebook group called ‘I want the Beastie Boys to play the XX Jewish Cultural Festival in Krakow.’<br />
Recently, I noted to Ornstein that that is increasingly little direct memory anymore in Poland of a time when the country was home to Europe’s largest Jewish population. For the student-age crowd that attends Jewish Culture Festival events or hangs out in the music pubs that have made Kazimierz the scene of trendy night life, what goes on today is what ‘Jewish’ means. Few of them can even remember a time before the Festival existed or before the district was a Jewish tourist attraction, with all the attendant commercialization.<br />
He agreed. Kazimierz, Ornstein said, was to his mind not the ‘former’ but the ‘present’ Jewish quarter of Krakow.<br />
‘Nobody alive today has a good memory of Kazimierz when it was better than it is now,’ he said. ‘There was the war, and then after the war it was derelict for decades. Now, it’s the hippest place in the city. The whole ‘former’ thing is based on history, not living memory.’<br />
The success of the Festival of Jewish Culture in Krakow helped spark other Jewish festivals of various types around the country. In 2000, the JPR Mapping project identified seven of them. Today, the number is much greater: in 2009, I counted more than 20, including at least two Jewish film festivals.<br />
Some were one-day affairs, others spanned a weekend or longer. Some took place in towns with small Jewish communities, such as Wroclaw, Poznan and Gdansk. Others took place where no Jews live today. These included the sixth edition of a festival dedicated to the Yiddish author Shalom Asch, scheduled for early December in the central town of Kutno, the third edition of an annual Jewish culture festival in the village of Checiny, a Jewish theatre festival in Ostrowiec Swietokrzyski, the annual Jewish culture festival in Chmielnik, a Jewish culture festival in Bialystok, another in Szczekonciny, another in Przysucha, and so on. Festivals celebrating a diversity of cultures and religions, including Judaism, took place in Lodz, Wlodowa and Szczebrzeszyn.<br />
‘I often joke that now the mayor of every small town feels obliged to make excuses [if] he/she has no Jewish Festival in his/her town,’ Anna Dodziuk, a psychotherapist who is also a Jewish activist and editor, told me. ‘To put it short: it is politically correct now to explore the Jewish history of the local communities, to commemorate Jews of a shtetl who perished in Holocaust, to celebrate somehow Jewish culture. So more and more Jews start to feel secure enough to be openly Jewish (or to be visible).’<br />
In fact, some of the festivals had religious observance at their heart. One of these was a Shabbaton weekend held in October in Kielce. Most of Kielce’s 25,000 pre-war Jewish were killed in Treblinka, but the town is far better known for what happened after the war; it is infamous for the July 1946 pogrom that killed 42 Jews, an attack that formed the basis of Jan T. Gross’s book Fear.<br />
The event brought prayers to the synagogue for the first time since the Holocaust — the building has been used as an archive for nearly 60 years. It also included lectures, workshops, exhibitions, concerts and film screenings. It was the latest in a series of Shabbaton programs in long-disused synagogues in Poland organized by Michael Traison, an observant Jewish America lawyer who has an office in Warsaw and has spent much of his time in Poland over the past 15 years.<br />
Jews and Catholics took part in the event. ‘For the first time in my life I could celebrate the beginning of the Shabbat,’ a Catholic man wrote on the Shabbaton web site. ‘I could feel myself what I already knew theoretically, namely — what the Shabbat means for Jews who treat their faith seriously. Boi kala is also a challenge or a question on how I, a Christian man, treat my “shabbat” — Sunday. Thanks to Jews’ testimony of how they treat their holy day, I treat my one more seriously.’<br />
The biggest Jewish Culture Festival outside Krakow was the sixth edition of the annual ‘Singer’s Warsaw’ festival in the Polish capital at the beginning of September. Singer’s Warsaw is sponsored by the secular Jewish Shalom organization. Shalom was founded in 1988 and is headed by the Yiddish singer Golda Tencer, now in her 60s, who for years was the star of Warsaw’s State Yiddish Theatre — her husband, Szymon Szurmiej, has been head of the Theatre since 1969.<br />
The Shalom Foundation has sponsored events such as high school essay competitions on Jewish topics, concerts, art exhibits, Jewish film festivals, a Jewish song competition, and the like. Outside of Poland, however, it is best known for the remarkable 1996 exhibition and book And I Still See Their Faces.This was a collection of more than 450 photographs of Polish Jews, ranging from formal studio portraits to faded snapshots of everyday life. They were culled from photographs sent in — mainly by non-Jewish Poles — from all over Poland. The number of photos sent in, about 8,000, more or less equals the number of self-identifying Jews living in Poland today.<br />
The exhibit showed the broadest cross-section possible of Jews in pre-war Poland, orthodox and secular; assimilated and traditional. As such it turned somatic and other stereotypes (including that of Jews as victims) on their head. In the pictures, wrote Tencer in an introduction to the book, ‘the light falls on faces still free of terror and fear. We can see on them quiet reflection, the joy of family life, a smile that manifests belief in a friendly world.’<br />
Paradoxically, much of this sensitivity is trumped by theatricality in the way that the Singer Festival is mounted.<br />
The Festival’s stated aim, according to its web- site is ‘to reconstruct the prewar atmosphere here in order to present the annihilated world of the Polish Jews.’ Unlike in Krakow, where the entire Kazimierz district remains largest intact, almost all of downtown Warsaw, including the Jewish quarter and wartime Ghetto, was destroyed during the Second World War. The Singer festival takes place in and around one-block-long Prozna street, one of the only streets in Warsaw’s historic downtown Jewish district to have survived.<br />
During the festival, the dilapidated street is turned into a sort of stage, with old photographs of Polish Jews affixed to windows or hung from wires attached to the buildings. I admit that I haven’t attended the Singer Festival, but — from afar — the costumed, Renaissance Faire-style ‘performing the Jew’ that is described on the festival’s web site (and shown in posted pictures) makes me rather more uneasy than do many of the other manifestations of public Jewish culture:</p>
<p>Along Próžna Street we create Jewish cafés, quaint shops and workshops. We construct an old bookstore and a newspaper office in which [Isaac Bashevis] Singer worked in New York before the war. Each year we make a wine bar and a bakery. Everyone can come inside, and have a look at collected odds and ends in use at the beginning of the twentieth-century. There are lots of souvenirs to be bought from street vendors and many home-made tidbits to be tasted. Many characteristic figures appear in the streets during the festival: Hasidics, merchants, painters, shoemakers, tailors, printers, blacksmiths, barrel organ players, entertainers, florists. All of them contributed to making Warsaw uniquely colorful. During the festival, just as in the past, one can hear klezmer music, chants from synagogues, as well as well-known traditional Jewish songs, in the heart of the Polish capital. The past reality is revived by many exhibitions and plays, artists’ installations, scientific sessions, and meetings with writers and Jewish artists. Yiddish culture returns through prewar films, song and dance workshops, paper cutting, ceramics as well as Hebrew calligraphy, lectures and discussion groups.</p>
<p>My use of the term ‘Virtual’ deliberately played on the cyberspace concept of virtual worlds and virtual communities exiting on the Internet. Even back then, these included many, many Jewish websites.<br />
‘People can enter, move around and engage in cyberspace virtual worlds without physically leaving their desks or quitting their “real world” identities,’ I wrote in my 2002 book Virtually Jewish: Reinventing Jewish Culture in Europe:</p>
<p>Online, however, they can assume other identities, play other roles and be, or act as if they are, whoever they want. Like virtual worlds on the Internet, the various aspects of ‘Virtual Jewry’ are linked together and overlapping. One can approach them either passively, as a mere consumer, or ‘interactively,’ in a participatory manner, through, for example, performance and interpretation. They may be enriched by input from contemporary Jewish communal, intellectual, institutional, or religious sources, or they may be self-contained within totally non-Jewish contexts.</p>
<p>Virtually Jewish came out several years before the advent of social networking sites such as Facebook, and also well before what has been called a ‘Virtual Diaspora’ took root in the online world known as Second Life, where a ‘virtual synagogue’, Temple Beth Israel, was established there in 2006.<br />
One year later, reported 2Life Magazine, Second Life’s Jewish community was ‘more diverse in age, religious affiliation and […] geographical origin than any community could be in the real world, and it also includes many religious seekers who use Second Life as a tool to explore their own roots, many of them with little to no Jewish educational background.’<br />
Second Life Judaism, it said, was ‘a unique intercultural dialogue within various streams of Judaism, within various Diasporas and Israel, within various age groups and with Jews and non-Jews. Judaism in Second Life is a mélange of different identities, in which age, origin, gender, and even religious affiliation are unimportant. It is an experiment with an uncertain outcome, but with obvious potential for new and creative ways to explore culture, heritage and identity.’<br />
The ‘virtual diaspora’ in Second Life is symptomatic of an even broader Jewish presence in cyberspace which has grown exponentially in the past decade and which now includes many websites, blogs and Facebook groups that originate in Poland — among Jews and ‘virtual Jews’ alike. Among the most impressive and inclusive of these is the so-called ‘Virtual Shtetl,’ a web portal set up by the huge new Museum of the History of Polish Jews, which is under construction in Warsaw. Its aim is to be both an information portal as well as a sort of Jewish social networking site. ‘The “Virtual Shtetl” is a museum without barriers, a consequent extension of the real Museum,’ the website says. ‘Its main objective is to provide a unique social forum for everyone interested in Polish-Jewish life.’<br />
The website includes constantly expanding databases of historic and contemporary photographs and archival information about specific towns all around Poland, as well as blog-like, frequently updated news items and announcements of Jewish interest related to Poland. In October alone there were more than 60 items posted.<br />
‘Currently, our portal is a source of information but, in the future, it will also include an interactive system by which Internet users will interact with each other,’ the site says, in phrases that echo my own description of interaction in the flesh and blood ‘virtual Jewish world.’<br />
The Virtual Shtetl, it says, ‘will create a link between Polish-Jewish history and the contemporary, multi-cultural world.’<br />
These ‘virtual’ links will enhance links that already exist, creating a sort of clearing house for many activities that already take place. Indeed, the past decade already the Krakow Jewish Festival has included a ceremony at which the Israeli ambassador honors non-Jewish Poles who preserve, conserve and promote Jewish culture and memory.<br />
It is all part of a process of ‘normalisation’ Dodziuk said. ‘I’m sure it has its influence on a Jewish perception of the situation in Poland.’ For local populations in many places, she said, ‘These pre-war Jewish inhabitants have become “our people,” part of our local tradition.’ Earlier this year, she added, on a trip with an Israel friend through eastern and southeastern Poland, she met many people in small towns who now considered the Jewish history of these one-times shtetls part and parcel of their own local past and personal memories.</p>
<p>‘It is,’ she said, ‘obviously much more and much deeper than political correctness.’</p>
<p><em>Ruth Ellen Gruber’s books include National Geographic Jewish Heritage Travel: A Guide to Eastern Europe, Letters from Europe (and Elsewhere), and Virtually Jewish: Reinventing Jewish Culture in Europe. She blogs on Jewish heritage issues at http://jewish-heritage-travel.blogspot.com</em></p>
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		<series:name><![CDATA[#214 Winter '09]]></series:name>
	</item>
		<item>
		<title>Lessons Unlearned and Learned</title>
		<link>http://jewishquarterly.org/2009/12/lessons-unlearned-and-learned/</link>
		<comments>http://jewishquarterly.org/2009/12/lessons-unlearned-and-learned/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 21 Dec 2009 14:04:15 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>Konstanty Gebert</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Limmud]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Jedwabne]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Poland]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Soviet Union]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://jewishquarterly.org/?p=727</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[When will Emmanuel Olisadebe finally become a real Pole? Only when he too apologises for Jedwabne.’ This cryptic Warsaw joke becomes clear only if one knows that Mr. Olisadebe, originally from Nigeria, is the sometime star of the Polish national football team, and Jedwabne is a town in northeastern Poland where 65 years ago the [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>When will Emmanuel Olisadebe finally become a real Pole? Only when he too apologises for Jedwabne.’ This cryptic Warsaw joke becomes clear only if one knows that Mr. Olisadebe, originally from Nigeria, is the sometime star of the Polish national football team, and Jedwabne is a town in northeastern Poland where 65 years ago the ethnic Polish part of the population slaughtered their Jewish neighbours. Since April 2000, when this previously unknown fact was revealed in a book called Neighbors, written by Jan Tomasz Gross, an émigré Polish professor at New York University, the issue of Jedwabne has provoked a nationwide debate and soul-searching.<br />
As I noted in the previous essay, which deals specifically with the Catholic Church’s reaction to Jedwabne, ironies abound in this debate, ironies that are well reflected in the joke I quoted above. Mr. Olisadebe was himself a victim of Polish intolerance, the butt of vicious racist attacks by hostile fans. Furthermore, ‘real Poles’ is a self-designation often used by Polish anti-Semites, who want to thus differentiate themselves from the rest of the nation supposedly corrupted by Jewish blood and ideas. In other words, a ‘real Pole’ is precisely what Mr. Olisadebe presumably neither would want to, nor could become, while the apology demanded of him is one he certainly neither should, nor could, deliver. In a nutshell: Jedwabne presents everybody with impossible choices and dilemmas.<span id="more-727"></span><br />
Indeed it does. The anthropologist Joanna Tokarska-Bakir said the story of that crime shattered the myth of Poland’s innocence — and a good thing it did, she says. Nonetheless, for most of her compatriots, relinquishing this myth, let alone saying good riddance to it, is a perspective almost too painful to envisage.<br />
There are deep-seated reasons for this. First and foremost, perhaps, is that fact that, based on the only too real historical record of Poland’s suffering, it had indeed become the nation’s founding myth. The writer Adam Mickiewicz, Poland’s Schiller, coined the phrase ‘Poland is the Christ of nations’ in the 19th century — and it stuck. The description encompassed both the humiliation of the partitions that divided Poland among Russia, Prussia and Austria and wiped it off the map for nearly 200 years, as well as the oppression of foreign rule. Moreover, it seemed to predict the horrors of the century to come: the German and Soviet invasions, Auschwitz and the Gulag, and finally Yalta. Poland innocently crucified for the sins of the world.<br />
This myth, Tokarska-Bakir told her readers, has made it impossible for us to understand what others — non-Poles — were telling us about ourselves. More importantly, it has made us lie to ourselves about ourselves. From her perspective, the truth of Jedwabne is a liberation.<br />
At the same time, though, it is an abomination. ‘I read this book and I cried and cried and cried,’ a friend of mine told me. ‘These were people like me,’ she said, ‘committing unspeakable horrors against people like you. This time, my folk were the murderers. And I cannot evade the question: I, too, am I guilty?’<br />
Gross’s book does, in fact, make for unbearable reading. Eyewitnesses describe scenes of gleeful torture, of rape ending with the victim’s decapitation, her head used then as a football; of individual slaughter and finally the herding of the remaining victims into a barn, which was then set on fire. So much of that echoes scenes well-known from Polish history: but in those cases the Poles were the victims, not the perpetrators. Neighbours forced the Polish reader to transfer onto his own people the feelings he had reserved for their oppressors.<br />
This was, and still is, no easy task, and yet most of Poland’s public opinion has risen to the challenge with admirable frankness and courage. As opposed to what obtained in previous discussions of Polish -Jewish issues, negationists and revisionists were expelled from the mainstream. Most of the authors of the hundreds of articles and letters published in the press took the straightforward position of accepting the facts and acknowledging their consequences. Gross’s findings were widely accepted, to the point that even legitimate historical criticism of certain elements of his work — that he had not consulted German or Soviet archives, for example — were attacked as attempts to cover up the bitter truth. The scope and depth of the Jedwabne debate, not to mention its frankness and courage, could not have been possible even a few years earlier. They were and remain proof of the country’s coming of age, of its outgrowing the reflex of refusing criticism. On the contrary, criticism is now seen as an asset, not a threat. Poland’s two main newspapers — the conservative Rzeczpospolita, which first opened the debate, and the liberal Gazeta Wyborcza, which eventually followed suit — fully supported the mainstream position. Gross’s opponents found themselves relegated to the rightwing, including extreme right-wing press. There, however, their cause was embraced with a passion.<br />
Critics of Gross and his revelations continue to hold that fundamental information about the Jedwabne massacre is still missing. The number of victims is unknown, the role of the Germans, they maintain, has still not been elucidated. Some of this criticism is valid. Much, however, is an attempt at cover-up. This trend has been especially bolstered by those who claim that the massacre — if it took place at all — was a case of understandable, if excessive revenge for the ‘evil’ the Jews had committed as Soviet collaborators over the preceding 21 months. Jedwabne had been part of the Soviet zone of occupation, and the massacre occurred almost 3 weeks after the Germans invaded the Soviet Union in 1941. This ‘blame the victim’ approach has been heavily endorsed by the conservative part of Polish public opinion, including by most people now living in Jedwabne itself. The rare local eyewitnesses willing to testify were threatened, intimidated and finally forced to leave town. Antonina Wyrzykowska, a local woman who heroically saved six Jews from her and their neighbours and kept them safe throughout the war, had to flee the town after the war was over. She eventually found refuge in the United States. Her daughter, still living in Poland, was too terrified to even speak to the media. And as Krzysztof Godlewski, the decent mayor of Jedwabne who tried to help his compatriots face the truth, told me, a plaque to honour her would not survive the night. For Jedwabne, she is not a heroine but a traitor. The town was hostile to the high-profile commemorative ceremony held July 10, 2001 to mark the 60th anniversary of the massacre, and consequently Godlewski resigned the day after. He, too, later emigrated to the United States.<br />
Nonetheless, by the spring of 2001, a year after the book was published, it seemed that the Jedwabne debate would trigger a real catharsis, a real historical soul-searching that could enable a breakthrough in the way Poles see themselves and their relations with other nations, particularly the Jews. The international press was favorably impressed by the quality of the Polish debate. A public opinion poll in Poland showed that a surprising 85 per cent of those polled were aware of the debate; over the previous dozen years, probably only the abortion debate had this kind of salience. More importantly still, 32 per cent accepted that Poles should apologize to the Jews, and were personally willing to do so. This meant the impact of the debate had spread way beyond the chattering classes. ‘A minority, yes, but a huge one,’ was the optimistic comment of American-born Michael Schudrich, the rabbi of Warsaw and Łódz.<br />
But in March 2001, the institutional Church, long silent, finally joined the discussion. Cardinal Józef Glemp, the Roman Catholic Primate of Poland, acknowledged that the murder had been committed by ‘baptized Poles’ and stressed the need for contrition, but at the same time he demanded that Jews too apologize for the crimes of Communism. He also expressed surprise at the ‘noise’ made over the case. The bishop of the Łoma diocese, of which Jedwabne is part, had no doubts: the noise was made in order to extort money. He expressed his solidarity with ‘the besieged town of Jedwabne’ and called on its parishioners to ‘endure.’ Asked if anyone had confessed to having participated in the crime, the parish priest of Jedwabne said, smiling, in a television interview, ‘Not one conscience had been moved.’<br />
The institutional church did organize a mass of contrition, at which God was asked forgiveness for crimes that had been committed with the participation of Poles. Held on May 27, 2001, it was a truly moving ceremony, but Jedwabne and anti-Semitism were not explicitly mentioned. A missed opportunity, then? Not so. The rearguard battle fought by much of the church and a part of Polish public opinion and opinion-leaders has managed to reduce the impact of the Jedwabne debate. It could not, however, alter its fundamental message: Poland is finally mature enough to face the black pages of its history. No longer hiding behind the myth of innocence, the country is willing to engage the truth – though this is a difficult task, even for those who approach it honestly. The Warsaw daily Gazeta Wyborcza originally held back from the Jedwabne debate: Adam Michnik, its editor-in-chief, genuinely believed that Gross must be wrong, that Poles are simply incapable of cold-blooded mass murder. When he realised the mistake was his, the paper joined in the debate with a passion. In a polemic with the American literary critic Leon Wieseltier, who was sharply critical of Michnik’s treatment of the Jedwabne affair, Michnik, of Jewish origin himself, wrote that he came to realize that, ‘had I been in Jedwabne that day, I would have ended up in that barn.’ If Michnik, with his sensitivity to Jewish issues, and his long history of intellectual courage, was loath to acknowledge the fact, how much more difficult must it have been for others.<br />
An essay about Gross’s book, published in Gazeta Wyborcza on November 18/19, 2000 sheds valuable light on the Jedwabne debate and how Poles reacted to the revelations. Titled ‘Every Neighbor Has a Name,’ it was written by the journalist Jacek Žakowski. ‘I would be lying if I said that this book does not fill me with fear,’ Žakowski writes at the beginning of the essay. ‘This fear has three sources,’ he continues. ‘First, there are the facts’ described by Gross. Second is the motivation behind them. ‘Whatever it was that impelled them to that crime may still lie somewhere deep within them (within us? within me?),’ he writes. Without a hint of equivocation or leniency, he analyzes the terrifying consequences of that reflection. The third reason for his fear is that ‘all of us share the responsibility for whether or not such things ever happen again’ — and, he goes on, there is no guarantee that the future will not be equally murderous. ‘After Bosnia and Rwanda,’ writes Žakowski,, ‘it is hard for us to be shocked by human cruelty.’ Reflecting on the individual evil that may well lurk within each of us, or reminding us that this evil may again reveal itself in all its murderous might in the future, Žakowski shows himself to be fully conscious of the challenge that the Jedwabne crime poses to our good feelings about ourselves.<br />
The most important thread in his essay, however, consists of Žakowski’s reflections upon the second of the fears aroused in him by the reading of Gross’s book. Here, the source of the fear is neither the events presented in the book nor the ever-present threat that they could recur in the future. Rather, Žakowski’s fear stems from the fact that ‘in appealing to the language of ethnic quantifiers, Gross runs the risk of causing or contributing to further misfortunes’ — that is, to new crimes like the one in Jedwabne. It is, in fact, not clear who might end up murdering whom after reading Neighbors. Still, we all know that language can indeed lead to crimes. This, says Žakowski, is what makes it so important to use language in a responsible way.<br />
The thesis that Gross ‘clearly pushes us in the direction of such language’ appears repeatedly in Žakowski’s essay. What sort of language is this? Žakowski answers without ambivalence: ‘This is the language of ethnic war, of genocide.’ He cautions that, ‘In Europe, we were reminded of the danger of such [nationalistic] quantifiers when we saw what happened in Bosnia.’ And he concludes: ‘I am all the more astonished at Jan Gross — who himself once heard that language in Poland [Gross emigrated after March 1968], for now being ready to call it forth again and to run the risk of nourishing ghosts that are on their way to extinction.’<br />
If we were to take Žakowski’s rhetoric seriously, we would have to place Neighbors on the same bookshelf as the collected speeches of General Moczar and Radovan Karadzic. However, there is no question of treating Gross’s book that way, because Žakowski’s charges are just as empty as they are serious. Nevertheless, they cannot be passed over indifferently. Žakowski is a respected journalist, and his essay was the first important voice raised in Gazeta Wyborcza in the Jedwabne debate.<br />
The Institute for National Remembrance (IPN), Poland’s prosecutorial and historical office dealing with the crimes of the past, released its report on Jedwabne on July 9 2002, one day before the sixty-second anniversary of the massacre. The Institute’s findings were the leading story that day on State TV news. But the next day, the anniversary itself was not even mentioned. This indicated that the way the crime will be understood and remembered is now more important than the crime itself. That the future is more important than the past.<br />
The results of the inquiry left no room for doubt. Nonetheless, the headlines of Polish newspapers reporting on the findings managed to reproduce the main themes of what had turned out to be one of the most important debates of post-Communist Poland. ‘Murdered by Neighbours’ was the liberal Gazeta Wyborcza’s huge headline. The conservative Rzeczpospolita gave it a slightly different spin: ‘Neighbors After All,’ it read, as if unwilling quite to acknowledge the fact. The headline in the national-Catholic Nasz Dziennik, home to Gross’s most vehement critics, was indignant: ‘Poles Accused Without Proof.’ Similarly, the headline in the right-wing Lycie read, ‘Poles Guilty’ — but it was complemented by a huge photo of the rabbi of Warsaw, Michael Schudrich, extending an accusatory finger — as if it was he, and not the Polish Institute, who had passed the verdict. And that verdict was, in thewords of the headline in the local Warsaw daily Zycie Warszawy, not ‘for’ Jedwabne, but ‘on’ it. ‘Verdict on Jedwabne,’ the paper’s banner screamed.<br />
The IPN report itself contained no surprises, nor could it have had. Eyewitness reports, material evidence, and human memory are unequivocal: though the report found that the crime was ‘due to German inspiration,’ the role of the Poles was nonetheless ‘decisive.’ They arrived in Jedwabne that day ‘with the intent to participate in the premeditated crime of murdering the Jewish inhabitants of the town.’ The report confirmed the events of that day, as first established by Gross in his book. The assembling of Jews in the town square. Their death march toward the Jewish cemetery, forced to bear on their shoulders a bust of Lenin left behind by the previous, Soviet occupiers. The cramming of people into the barn. The locking of the gates. The pouring of petrol. And the fire. And then the bodies, whose number we will never know.<br />
The report correctly stresses, in an implicit polemic with those who accused the entire town of the crime, that the group of immediate perpetrators was limited to ‘not less than forty men.’ However, ‘the passive behavior of the majority of the population of the town towards the crime’ was deemed no less important. The Institute could not determine — for after 61 years this was no longer possible — what the motives of this passivity were: acceptance? indifference? fear? It is certain, however, that without it the crime would not have been as extensive.<br />
One does not have the right to expect heroism, but one would search in vain, in eyewitness testimonies, for information about neighbours who would at least have pointed out a safe escape route, diverted the tormentors’ attention, given a piece of bread. Antonia Wyrzykowska, who saved six Jews and kept them in safety all through the war, was the lone and shining exception — and she was later hounded out of town as a traitor. Besides her, the Jews of Jedwabne were alone that day, faced by their neighbors who were hunting them down. Again and again, for evil to triumph, it is enough for good people to do nothing.<br />
The IPN report was like opening a window in a musty room. Even its language is simple, direct and clear, as always when words are being used the way they should be: to tell it the way it was. It is difficult not to appreciate the scientific, prosecutorial and moral effort of prosecutor Radosław Ignatiew, the report’s author, and professor Leon Kieres, the head of IPN. How good it is that they are today the voice of Poland. And how good it is to be of that Poland. (By the way, one thing the report did not do was to identify by name those who that day were evil triumphant. It was a decision that I agree with. After 61 years, the trial of the few surviving perpetrators would have been a farce. A different judgment and a different Judge await them now. And a host of terrible witnesses.)<br />
But where do we go from here?<br />
The commemorative ceremonies in 2001 that marked the sixtieth anniversary of the Jedwabne massacre attracted world attention for the presence of the president, the absence of the government and of the episcopate, the emotion of the visitors and the hostile indifference of the locals. One year later, the monument at the site of the massacre stood abandoned and quiet. A group of Jews from Warsaw, led by Rabbi Schudrich, recited psalms. Then kaddish was recited by a Mr. Levin from Israel, a survivor of a similar massacre in the nearby town of Wizna. ‘In Wizna it was worse, much worse,’ he repeated.<br />
The grass at the monument, strewn with cigarette butts, had been badly cut. Someone had scratched out the word ‘Hitler’ on the memorial plaque. Or was it ‘Hatler’? The Polish Press Agency release said that the letters were not very legible. The monument on the Jewish cemetery site, across the road, bore the marks of pounding, and freshly removed paint smears. ‘But in general, it is surprising how well the monuments have survived the year,’ said someone from over his prayer book. The local department of works let it be known that it had not been commissioned to take care of the monument. The mayor of the town, who in 2001 had participated, to the ire of his constituents, in the ‘Jewish ceremonies,’ had left Jedwabne and emigrated to the United States.<br />
‘The truth about Jedwabne lies in the middle,’ bishop Tadeusz Pieronek, otherwise considered a main moral voice within the episcopate, said after the IPN report was released. At first I had wanted to ask the bishop: in the middle of what? One day later, after we had prayed at the site of that terrible barn, I already knew. It lies in the middle of an open Polish field. Between the church and the forest. ‘The corn, then, was low as it now is,’ Mr. Levin recalled. ‘No way one could hide.’ And so we have the truth about Jedwabne, and we know where it lies. The important thing now is what we shall do with it.<br />
I believe that Jedwabne should become, like the heroic defense of Westerplatte against the Germans in 1939, like the pogrom in Przytyk in 1936, like the doomed workers revolt of 1970 and the anti-Semitic campaign of 1968, part of Polish collective identity. It should become one of those things that come to mind, when the word ‘we’ is being uttered, part of the obligatory school curriculum. No, not out of perverse self-flagellation. One cannot forget that Jedwabne would have never happened if not for the Germans. And not to be used as a counter in some ghastly moral arithmetic, in which it would be balanced off by the existence of Žegota, the wartime underground Polish ‘Council to Save the Jews.’ Such sums cannot be made. Žegota cannot be used as analibi for Jedwabne. Jedwabne cannot besmirch the crystal purity of Žegota. But we have to remember Jedwabne in order not to fall into the trap of deluding ourselves. To be able, as Joanna Tokarska-Bakir has written, to finally understand what the others are telling us. ‘Poland,’ says Rabbi Schudrich ‘is engaged in a process of deep, difficult and honest soul-searching. Other countries could learn from that.’<br />
This is a terribly difficult task. But it is becoming feasible. For there are two Polands in Jedwabne. That which lies about the crime or ignores it, turns its back on it and on the victims, batters inscriptions on the monument. And that which honestly and courageously calls the crime and its perpetrators by their name. And by admitting this, Poland finally liberates itself.<br />
In fact, books like Neighbors, along with recent, pioneering studies of the postwar fate of the Germans in the north and west of Poland, and studies of the violence-soaked history of Polish- Ukrainian relations are vitally necessary in Poland. They are no less necessary than works documenting the crimes to which Poles fell victim, so that we can know where we wronged others, as well as where we were wronged. And also so that, having asked forgiveness in the former cases and having forgiven in the latter, we can all finally arrive at the sort of moral order in which it will no longer be possible for anyone to be implicated in culpability for a crime from half a century ago only because he is a Pole (or a Russian, or a German, or a Ukrainian, or&#8230;)</p>
<p>Konstanty Gebert is a reporter and columnist at Gazeta Wyborcza, Poland’s biggest daily newspaper, and  the founder of the Jewish intellectual monthly Midrasz.</p>
<p>He will be speaking at Limmud Conference 2009.</p>
<p>This essay was originally published in: Konstanty Gebert: Living in the Land of Ashes; Austeria, Krakow — Budapest 2008.</p>
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		<series:name><![CDATA[#214 Winter '09]]></series:name>
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		<item>
		<title>The End of Diaspora and the Rise of a Global Jewish Community</title>
		<link>http://jewishquarterly.org/2009/02/the-end-of-diaspora-and-the-rise-of-a-global-jewish-community/</link>
		<comments>http://jewishquarterly.org/2009/02/the-end-of-diaspora-and-the-rise-of-a-global-jewish-community/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Mon, 09 Feb 2009 16:44:25 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>David Shneer</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Limmud]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://heroic-media.com/jq/?p=37</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[A debate between Professor David Shneer and Professor Gil Troy in anticipation of their appearance at Limmud Conference 28th December 2008 — 1st January 2009]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Dear Gil,</p>
<p>As a professor of Jewish Studies and an avid reader of the Jewish Telegraph Agency’s daily news reports, I keep up on global Jewish affairs. Lately, I have been struck by the number of stories about Jewish life thriving in places that might seem surprising: a new Jewish radio station and cultural center in Madrid, Indian Jews leaving Israel to go back to India, hip underground Jewish clubs in Moscow.<br />
At the same time, study after study comes out documenting how American Jews in particular, and some parts of global Jewry in general, are becoming less connected to Israel and are less focused on anti-Semitism as a central element of their Jewish identity. What is going on?<span id="more-37"></span><br />
Please <a href="http://jewishquarterly.org/wp-login.php?redirect_to=/category/opinion/limmud/feed/">Login</a> or <a href="http://jewishquarterly.org/wp-login.php?action=register">Register</a> to read the rest of this content.</p>
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		<series:name><![CDATA[#212 Winter '08]]></series:name>
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